Começam a tornar-se raros, mas ainda sobram uns
quantos, daqueles que ajudaram a lançar a união dos países europeus, a começar
a fazer uma Europa que possa resistir à globalização sem perder os seus valores.
Gerhard Schröder, antigo chanceler da
Alemanha e Jacques Delors, antigo
Presidente da Comissão Europeia, contribuem agora com os seus conselhos - num
artigo no International Herald Tribune - para que o investimento no futuro de
todos, não se perca pela incompetência de alguns.
É um artigo oportuno, sobre as relações entre a democracia, o emprego e o crescimento na
Europa. Particularmente quando socialistas de vários países, por
ignorância, hipocrisia ou tacticismo político de vistas curtas, confundem as
causas e as consequências da crise económica. Por um lado, esquecem-se que sem
as reformas nacionais dos respectivos estados sociais, estes não conseguirão
sobreviver; que sem o equilíbrio entre receita e despesa, nenhum país tem
credibilidade; que os parceiros da União já definiram claramente e por tratado,
que nenhum país pode esperar viver de transferências financeiras à custa dos
outros. Por outro lado, por muito gravosas que sejam as consequências para as
pessoas, para as famílias e para as empresas, provocadas pelo desemprego, pelas
reduções de salários, pelos aumentos de impostos, pela redução do consumo
interno, usar este pesadelo como chantagem - sem ter nenhuma alternativa
racional - contra as medidas que tentam resolver as causas destes problemas, é
duma grande falta de responsabilidade.
Como escrevem Schröder e Delors, a crise dos últimos anos empurrou a
Europa para uma maior integração:
“The economic turmoil of the
past several years has pushed Europe toward greater integration, starting with
financial stabilization and a banking union that is still a work in progress.
Everyone now recognizes that a single currency zone without a common fiscal
policy invites the kind of crisis we have all been experiencing. Europe has
reached this stage grudgingly and with great strain, through agreements among
national government leaders in which many see the largest and most powerful
states as undemocratically foisting their policies on the rest. (…)”
Todavia, começam a aparecer partidos e movimentos que acreditam
em soluções e nacionalismos retrógrados:
"We are now seeing the
worrying rise of political parties and movements whose supporters seem to think
nationalist assertion will free them from the common imperatives of governing
Europe, or who believe protectionism will enable them to escape addressing
Europe’s lack of competitiveness. (...)”
As lições que se devem aprender das reformas que já
tiveram lugar na Europa, são: primeiro, que estas levam tempo para produzir
resultados, o que pode ser problemático para políticos que enfrentam eleições; segundo,
as reformas estruturais só funcionam com crescimento e a Alemanha deve agora
ajudar os países em dificuldade que fizeram progressos na restruturação das
suas finanças, como Portugal, caso contrário as economias nacionais correm o
risco de serem estranguladas pela austeridade:
"There are several lessons to
be learned from the reform efforts we have seen so far in Europe. First: There
is a gap between the time the painful decisions are made and the time when the
reforms take effect. This can — as in Germany — take up to five years. It can
be problematic for politicians when elections take place during this time span,
as we’ve just seen in Italy. Second: Structural reforms can only work in
conjunction with growth. (…) Germany must now give its European partners this
same opportunity. Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Italy and Spain have made progress
in restructuring their finances. Cyprus will also have to go this route. The
economic and political situation in these countries also shows that savings
alone is not a means for overcoming the crisis. On the contrary: There is a
risk that national economies will be quasi-strangled by the strict austerity
policy."
Há necessidade de solidariedade entre os parceiros
europeus, assim como há compatibilidade entre austeridade e crescimento:
"To the degree that
they are making structural reforms, they also need help, as these countries
show. There must always be a correlation between the willingness to engage in
structural reforms on the one hand and the willingness to show solidarity on
the other. There is no ‘either growth or austerity.’ We are convinced that the
two can be combined in a meaningful way — they must be combined. We need
budgetary discipline; we need structural reforms; but we must also add growth
components to the austerity program. A key area here is the fight against youth
unemployment in Europe. We cannot accept that a “lost generation” is growing up
in Europe because in many countries more than half of the young people are without
jobs. European leaders attending the Berggruen Institute’s ‘town hall’ meeting
in Paris on Tuesday will address this issue with a proposed “new deal for
Europe.” This is where the responsibility of the German government can come in.
(…) Therefore, we need a large-scale program to tackle youth unemployment in
Europe. (…)"
As próximas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu darão aos
cidadãos uma voz no nosso futuro comum. Pela primeira vez o Presidente da
Comissão será eleito pelo Parlamento, o que lhe dará uma nova legitimidade
democrática:
"Beyond this, the May
2014 elections for the European Parliament present the opportunity to give all
European citizens a voice in our common future. For the first time since the
founding of the EU, the strongest parties of the new Parliament will be able to
select the executive leadership of Europe — the president of the European
Commission. (…) If European citizens participate robustly in this election, the
new commission president will have the same democratic legitimacy accorded any
national leader in a parliamentary system. The vacuum of authority that has
existed at the European level because legitimacy was lacking — and thus the
incapacity to take effective action on behalf of all European citizens — will
be filled. (…) Europe can work again if governments, trade unions, business and
civil society all join together to support a new initiative on youth
unemployment and the 2014 efforts to bring greater democracy and legitimacy to
European government."
O artigo termina com a evidência que a Europa pode voltar
a funcionar se os governos, os sindicatos, as empresas e a sociedade civil se
juntarem para apoiar o nova iniciativa para o emprego dos jovens e 2014 trouxer
mais democracia e maior legitimidade ao governo Europeu.
JSR
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